Success in implementing these policy proposals has been limited so far in Western Europe. National or European courts, political opposition and civil societies have in most cases prevented that such proposals came into law. Finally, fundamental freedoms also tend to be firmly embedded in national constitutions in most countries in Western Europe.
Constitutional reforms usually require political majorities that are difficult or impossible to acquire by one party due to proportionate electoral systems and increasing political fragmentation in most countries in Western Europe. This is not to say that worries about the corrosion of liberal democracies in Europe are misplaced.
Populist radical right parties do not show much willingness to tone down.
On the contrary, they tend to radicalise over time. Mainstream parties, in particular centre-right parties, take over highly restrictive positions on immigration and xenophobic rhetoric in order to compete electorally with their rivals at the far-right flank. Most worrying is that mainstream parties also increasingly skim the boundaries of the rule of law or go beyond them when fighting against terrorism or preventing another refugee crisis.
This broader corrosion of fundamental freedoms that is taking place in order to protect national security and national identities is nowadays the main threat to liberal democracies. The term populism obscures rather than identifies this threat. That is not to say that the term populism should be discarded altogether.
It is a distinguishing rhetorical feature of radical politics at the left- as well as the right-wing flanks of the political spectrum.
Yet, it should be clear that populism is not by definition anti-pluralist. Xenophobic nationalism should be the target when identifying the main threat to liberal democracies in Europe.
Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, Akkerman, Populisme in Nederland na Een bedreiging voor de liberale democratie? Democratie doorgelicht: Het functioneren van de Nederlandse democratie. Leiden: Leiden University Press;L.
March, Radical left parties in Europe. London: Routledge; C. Populism in Europe and the Americas: Threat or corrective for democracy? Cambridge University Press. Akkerman, C. Mudde, A. European Journal of Political Research , 37 1 , ; M. European Political Science Review , Heinisch, C.
Holtz-0Bacha, O. Mazzoleni eds , Political Populism.
A Handbook , Nomos forthcoming. Sign up to the newsletter for handpicked highlights of articles, interviews and translations published each month. With authoritarian populism on the rise, liberal democracy in Europe is facing an existential crisis. In this interview, Yascha Mounk, author of The People vs.
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On the other hand, there are the applied economists who see a positive future in science and technology and the rationale processes of democratic-capitalist system. He reviews the ethics and activities of the antiglobalist, radical environmentalists, luddites and animal rightist and states that there is asymmetric threat because it costs less to perpetuate activism, but the costs on victims and society e.
He cites the social and economic progress that free trade and innovations in biotechnology bring.
His contentions are well substantiated by documented studies and events. The author explains that globalizing the economy can raise national income, resulting to economic expansion that can reduce the pressure on the environment and scarce agricultural resources. Technology and knowledge applied to agriculture, for example, can reduce the threats of global warming, loss of biodiversity and environmental pollution, thus making agriculture more sustainable.
The author agrees and states that progress can come not at the expense of the environment. In the book, Tweeten is saying that science, technology and market systems can be used as the solution to the problem rather than being blamed for causing the problem. The book focuses primarily on costs and benefits of agroterrorism in the United States, an affluent and rights conscious society. The author could have been more convincing had he dealt more with the less developing countries where the situation is quite different and more pressing.
These countries have much to gain from agricultural biotechnology, free trade and doi In Asia, for example, for the past two decades, manufacturing has taken over agriculture in terms of contribution to GDP, although agriculture still remains an important sector because a majority of the population who live in the rural areas still depend on agriculture for their livelihood.
Agricultural biotechnology is seen to have great potentials in solving food and supply security in Asia. The agricultural sector has to provide the food needs of an expanding population projected to reach 8 billion by , a majority of whom live in Asia. Constrained by the limitations in the expansion of land for cultivation in Asia, biotechnology can significantly increase production and simultaneously improve food quality for sustainable land use. It can likewise reduce the use of chemicals and pesticides and develop drought-resistant crops that can grow on rain-fed areas.
Agricultural biotechnology offers great potentials not only for increasing food and agricultural production but also for quality and nutritional improvement and alleviation of postharvest losses of subsistence farmers, especially those in the marginal areas where it is difficult to increase productivity. All in all, this can lead to significant welfare changes for the regions concerned—more income for the Asian farmers and lift them from persistent poverty, malnourishment and food insecurity, which are often the root causes of discontent and insurgency.
While there is a need for intensification of agricultural production, sustainable agriculture has to be promoted not only during technology generation and adoption but also in the training and education of farmers, extension officers, local community and government officials so as to avoid the adverse impact of past experiences.
Poverty has been a push factor for rural—urban migration in seek of employment. This often leads to problems related to the urban poor. To alleviate this problem, then it is likewise important to provide livelihood to the rural agrarian population by uplifting them from subsistence agriculture to agribusiness that can add more value to the agricultural produce. These agricultural goods then can be geared for the domestic or export market.
Many developing countries have comparative advantages as far as agricultural production is concerned, which can be explored to become foreign exchange earners for the country. More importantly, farmers can ride on the international distribution network of MNCs.
Postmodernismalso became the philosophy of choice among radical environmentalistswho perceived that traditional knowledge is controlled by private businesses more interested in resource exploitation than environmental quality. More significantly, the analytical philosophical tradition has so dominated US. If you do not have a login you can register here. Free trade leaves most social and environmental issues to be decided by each individual country. Political xenophobia need not be a reflection of social xenophobia; think of Macron, who was elected against Le Pen, but whose program on immigration is hailed by the National Front and now even by Trump! This frequently leads them to conclude that the information best serving to enlighten a current issue is the most important in understanding the essence of the subject being studied. How can we explain the fact, then, that more French workers vote for Le Pen than for other parties?
Industrialization in Southeast Asia was FDI driven, so why cannot the same growth strategy be implemented for the agricultural sector?